MA sa Léann Éireannach 2013-14 MA in Irish Studies 2013-14 Clúdach/Essay Cover Sheet Ainm/Name: Ian Kennedy Uimhir/Student Number: 12100104 Dáta/Date: Monday, December 9, 2013 Teideal an Chúrsa/Course Title: IS 104: Ideology, politics and society in Ireland, 1800-1921 Léachtóir/Lecturer: Dr. John Cunningham Seimeastar/Semester: One Aiste/Essay: Final Teideal / Essay Title: There was an inevitability about the great Dublin labour dispute of 1913-14. Discuss Ian Kennedy The decade of commemoration, 1912 - 1923 provides an opportunity to revisit the significant events that shaped the birth of the state. Over the last few months the state, media and unions have been commemorating the occasion of the Dublin labour dispute that has become popularly known as the ‘1913 Lockout.’1 The unity of celebration and commemoration belies the industrial discord simmering beneath the surface of labour engagement one hundred years after the workers defeat.2 This essay will examine the background to the 1913 Dublin Labour dispute, the circumstances of the strike and the leadership style of James Larkin and William Martin Murphy. Dublin at the beginning of the twentieth century had little industry.3 The movement of the middle classes to the suburbs left one third of the people4 living in Georgian slums.5 Families occupied large houses of seven or eight rooms. It was not uncommon to have one family per room.6 In some cases, tenements had an average population of up to 50 people per house. 7 As J. R. O’Connell reported to the Catholic Truth Society in 1914, as well as cramped living space, families impoverished by unemployment had to endure the stench of poor sanitation,8 “inhaling through their sleep…..the foul and fetid air that worsened hour by hour.”9 Roy Foster estimates that, at the time of the lockout, at least 16,000 families were living below the poverty line.10 1 Michael D. Higgins, "The Lockout of 1913," The Irish Times (Dublin), September 11, 2013, Century ed. 2 Bill Roche, "Unions Sidelined in Silence a Century after the Lockout," The Irish Times (Dublin), August 25, 2013, accessed December 5, 2013, www.irishtimes.com/news/politics/unions-sidelined-in-silence-acentury-after-the-Lockout-1.1505329. 3 Gary Granville, "Workers and Employers," in Dublin 1913: Lockout & Legacy (Dublin: O'Brien Press, 2013), 69. 4 Francis Devine, "A Brief History by Francis Devine," The 1913 Lock-Out, Dublin 1913, accessed December 01, 2013, http://www.siptu.ie/aboutsiptu/history/the1913lock-out/. 5 Lawrence John McCaffrey, and Thomas E. Hachey, The Irish Experience since 1800: A Concise History, Third ed. (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2010), KINDLE, location 2480. 6"STATISTICAL SOCIETY OF IRELAND." The Irish Times (1874-1920), Mar 07, 1914. http://search.proquest.com/docview/515604539?accountid=12899. 7 Report of the Departmental Committee into the Housing Conditions of the Working Classes in the City of Dublin, report no. CD7273, vol. Vol. 19 (Parliamentary Papers, 1914), accessed December 1, 2013, http://multitext.ucc.ie/d/Housing_Report_Dublin_1913. 8 Padraig Yeates, Lockout: Dublin 1913 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000), KINDLE, location 245. 9 John Robert O'Connell, The Problem of the Dublin Slums (Dublin: Hodges & Figgis, 1914), accessed December 1, 2013, http://multitext.ucc.ie/d/The_Problem_of_Dublin_Slums_A_Catholic_View 10 Roy Foster, Modern Ireland, 1600 – 1972, (London: Penguin, 1989), 437. 1|Page Ian Kennedy During the Lockout, attention would be drawn to the devastation of the living conditions of the locked out workers. At the end of the nineteenth century, the Dublin Tradesmen’s Unions were able to organise and defend their work conditions. However, the plight of the unskilled worker was very different. The 1894, 1897, 1900 and 1904 disputes had led to workers defeat with little being done by the employers to improve their lot.11 According to Padraig Yeates, the passage of the Trades Disputes Act of 1906, “lifted the threat of unions and individual workers being sued for damages if they undertook industrial action at all”12 and so the Lockout became possible. With the dissolution of parliament in the 1800 Act of Union, there was a withdrawal of elite trades and free trade between the two islands. Following the repeal of the Combination Acts in 1824 the trade union movement began to grow.13 As time progressed Irish trade guilds became members of British unions and the labour movement became permanent, peaceful and political. According to Turner et al, “workers embraced trade unions as an instrument through which to exert some influence on wage determination and check the exercise of absolute and arbitrary employer power.” 14 The Irish Trade Union Congress, founded in 1894 had as its “its stated aim…to act as the collective voice of organised Irish labour.”15 According to Diarmuid Ferriter the situation, 11 O' , " ’ ," I ( lin), September 11, 2013, accessed December 01, 2013, http://www.irishtimes.com/culture/heritage/larkin-s-road-to-revolution- 1.1522135?page=2. 12 Padraig Yeates, "Same Challenges Today as before 1913," Editor, Irish Independent, November 27, 2013, accessed December 01, 2013, http://www.independent.ie/opinion/letters/same-challenges-today-as-before1913-29787082.html. 13 Tom Turner, Daryl D'Art, and Michelle O'Sullivan, eds., Are Trade Unions Still Relevant?: Union Recognition 100 Years On (Orpen Press, 2013), KINDLE, location 4140. 14 Turner et al, Trade Unions, KINDLE, location 4112. 15 "A Short History of Congress," Irish Congress of Trade Unions, accessed December 05, 2013, http://www.ictu.ie/about/history.html. 2|Page Ian Kennedy …up to 1909 was that the Irish Congress of Trade Unions was dominated by small, semiskilled societies, and their proceedings seemed to be more concerned with rhetorical gestures, pomp and ceremony than effective representation.16 This period also saw the rise of New Unionism. The strategy of New Unionism involved the development of “mass membership organisations….that would achieve labour gains, not through the monopoly of artisan trades….but through sheer strength of numbers.”17 Beginning in Britain in 1871, within ten years trade union membership reached 266,000. The transport and gas workers were among the first to organise and sought to address the working conditions of the unskilled workforce whose “lives were grim — a daily struggle against starvation, homelessness.”18 New Unionism embraced militant tactics as well as “political representation and legislative reform.”19 New Unionism spread from Britain to Ireland where it was spearheaded by James Larkin.20 James Larkin was born in Liverpool in 1876 of Irish parents. He went to work aged “thirteen to help support the family after the death of his father from tuberculosis.” 21 Larkin later went to work on the docks of Liverpool. A convinced socialist, it was the Liverpool dock strike of 1905 that changed Larkin’s view of trade unionism. 22 His embrace of new unionism, led to the loss of his job on the Liverpool docks and he was then hired by the National Union of Dock Labourers.23 16 Diarmaid Ferriter, The Transformation of Ireland: 1900-2000 (London: Profile Books, 2005), KINDLE, Location 1278. 17 , ‘Y y ’F I 1E13 , y ( ), O – A century of Irish working class life, (Sallins, Irish Academic Press, 2013): 12 18 Cathy Nugent, "New Unionism in the 1880's," Workers' Liberty, accessed December 09, 2013, http://www.workersliberty.org/story/2012/02/15/new-unionism-1880s 19 McCabe, Irish Class Relations, 11. 20 McCabe, Irish Class Relations, 11. 21 Yeates, Lockout, Kindle, location 327 22 Yeates, Lockout, Kindle, location 336 23 Yeates, Lockout, Kindle, location 344 3|Page Ian Kennedy As representative of the National Union of Dock Labourers (NUDL) he left his native Liverpool for Belfast in 1907.24 There he established a branch of the NUDL and took not only the dockworkers but the police on strike.25 Following a wave of industrial unrest throughout Europe and North America Larkin utilised the sympathetic strike26 to convince thousands of unskilled men and women, many of them illiterate and living on the breadline, not to pass pickets and accept that ‘an injury to one is the concern of all.27 From Belfast, Larkin travelled to Cork where he organised the “port workers…. in a campaign for better pay and conditions.”28 He also collected money which he used to fund strike pay for workers in Dublin. However, the head of the Union, James Sexton became “increasingly alarmed at his militancy and the drain on funds to finance disputes.”29 Larkin, who was quite disorganised, was suspended by the Union and sent to trial and convicted for fraud. After some protests, his was released and along with James Connolly he set about unionising Dublin industry with the establishment of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU) in 1909. 30 The ITGWU was a syndicalist movement that shared the New Unionist aim of establishing one big union that “would have the industrial and political muscle to bring down capitalism and 24 Peter Collins, "Barriers to Worker Unity," The Irish Times (Dublin), September 11, 2013, Culture sec., accessed December 1, 2013, www.irishtimes.com/culture/heritage/barriers-to-worker-unity-1.1522294. 25 Jonathan Bardon, A History of Ireland in 250 Episodes (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2008), KINDLE, location 9417. 26 Padraig Yeates, Lockout, KINDLE, location 425. 27 Padraig Yeates, The Dublin 1913 Lockout, in History Ireland, Vol 9, No 2, (Summer 2001),http://www.historyireland.com/20th-century-contemporary-history/the-dublin-1913-Lockout/, accessed 01 December 2013. 28 "Cork and the Employers' Offensive," Independent.ie, accessed December 01, 2013, http://www.independent.ie/lifestyle/cork-and-the-employers-offensive-29780552.html 29 "Cork and the Employers' Offensive," Independent.ie, accessed December 01, 2013, http://www.independent.ie/lifestyle/cork-and-the-employers-offensive-29780552.html 30 Yeates, Lockout, Kindle, location 353. 4|Page Ian Kennedy replace it with a co-operative industrial democracy.”31 Members of the union refused to touch goods that were handled by non-union labour treating such items as tainted goods. 32 By 1912 the ITGWU had 18,000 members and Larkin had control of the ITUC and Dublin Trades Council.33 Employers were also organised and established bodies like the Shipping Federation, which was based in Liverpool. The federation supplied strike breakers to business where they were shipped to cities where strikes took place.34 William Martin Murphy Murphy owned the Irish Independent, Clery’s, the Dublin Tramway Company, the Great Southern and Western Railway,35 and was “chairman of the Federation of Dublin Employers.”36 Although involved with the resolution of trade clashes throughout the 1890’s,37 Murphy opposed the admission of the ITGWU to the Irish Trades Union Congress.38 Larkin was determined to get Murphy to recognise the ITGWU and portrayed him negatively and with some hostility in his newspaper, the Irish Worker, which he founded in 1911. The summer of 1913 was one of industrial unrest throughout the country. Galway and Sligo saw strikes lasting for weeks that “caused hardship on a proportionately similar scale to the Dublin lock-out.”39 The lord Mayor of Dublin attempted to broker an agreement between all parties to try to “reduce the number of strikes in the city.”40 With the support of the ailing Archbishop of Dublin,41 and the absence of the equally ailing William Martin Murphy the 31 Yeates, Lockout, Kindle, location 301. 32 Yeates, Lockout, Kindle, location 301. 33 ,‘ I W , 1E0E–1E12,’ Donal Nevin, James Larkin, Lion of the Fold. (Gill & Macmillan, 1998.), 33. 34 Yeates, Lockout, Kindle, location 344 35 Ferriter, Transformation, KINDLE, Location 1264. 36 Turner et al, Trade Unions, KINDLE, location 109. 37 Ferriter, Transformation, KINDLE, location 1258, 1264, 1271. 38 Yeates, Lockout, Kindle, location 376. 39 John Cunningham, "West Awakens to Worker Rights," Irish Times, September 11, 2013, accessed December 05, 2013, http://www.irishtimes.com/culture/heritage/west-awakens-to-worker-rights-1.1522292. 40 Yeates, Lockout, Kindle, location 305 41 Thomas J. Morrissey and James Joseph Hughes, "The 1913 Lock-Out: Letters for the Archbishop," Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review 75, no. 297 (Spring 1986): 86, accessed November 25, 2013, http://www.jstor.org/stable/30090709. 5|Page Ian Kennedy brokered peace seemed to have an agreement, even with James Larkin.42 However, this would be short lived as Murphy was “determined to oppose ‘Larkinism’ but did so in trepidation.” 43 The expansion of the ITGWU and the demand of workers for “recognition of a union of their choice,”44 Led by Murphy the employers required workers to “sign a document renouncing membership of the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union.”45 In July 1913 he met with the workers of the Dublin tramways company and spoke to them about the consequences of their actions: “I want you to clearly understand that the directors of this company have not the slightest objection to the men forming a legitimate Union. And I would think there is talent enough amongst the men in the service to form a Union of their own, without allying themselves to a disreputable organisation, and placing themselves under the feet of an unscrupulous man who claims the right to give you the word of command and issue his orders to you and to use you as tools to make him the labour dictator of Dublin. ... I am here to tell you that this word of command will never be given, and if it is that it will be the Waterloo of Mr. Larkin. A strike in the tramway would, no doubt, produce turmoil and disorder created by the roughs and looters, but what chance 42 Yeates, Lockout, Kindle, location 314 43Thomas J. Morrissey, Enigma of William Martin Murphy, The Irish Times, 11th September 2013, http://www.irishtimes.com/culture/heritage/enigma-of-william-martin-murphy-1.1522163?page=1, accessed 01st December 44 Turner et al, Trade Unions, KINDLE, Location 109. 45 Ferriter, Transformation, KINDLE, location 3436. 6|Page Ian Kennedy would the men without funds have in a contest with the Company who could and would spend £100,000 or more. You must recollect when dealing with a company of this kind that every one of the shareholders, to the number of five, six, or seven thousands, will have three meals a day whether the men succeed or not. I don’t know if the men who go out can count on this.”46 In his book on Leadership and Liberation,47 Sean Ruth explores O’Day’s phases of an attack process that organisations experience when dealing with unwelcome reform.48 This reform usually emerges from those within the organisation that do not have the authority to create change.49 This speech will be explored in light of this process. In addressing the demands of the workers for a union, Murphy responds by first of all agreeing that a “legitimate union” can form from among the workers themselves without having to become members of the ITGWU.50 This affirmation is an expression of the first phase of the attack process whereby he attempted to nullify workers’ demands by portraying his openness to unionisation.51 The second step of the first phase is expressed when Murphy invites the workers to reflect on the vast resources of the employers. The second phase of direct intimidation is expressed in this speech when he defames Larkin, describing him as “an unscrupulous man” who would “use you as tools to make him the labour 46 Gillian Doherty and Tomas O'Riordan, "Dublin 1913 Strike and Lockout," Multitext, The beginning of the Lockout, accessed December 03, 2013, http://multitext.ucc.ie/d/Dublin_1913Strike_and_Lockout 47 ́ Ruth, "Handling Attacks on Leaders," in Leadership and Liberation: A Psychological Approach (London: Routledge, 2006), 109-110. 48 R. O'Day, "Intimidation Rituals: Reactions to Reform," The Journal of Applied Behavioral Science 10, no. 3 (1974): 373-86, doi:10.1177/002188637401000310. 49 Ruth, Leadership, 109. 50 Gillian Doherty and Tomas O'Riordan, "Dublin 1913 Strike and Lockout," Multitext, The beginning of the Lockout, accessed December 03, 2013, http://multitext.ucc.ie/d/Dublin_1913Strike_and_Lockout 51 ́ Ruth, Leadership, 109. 7|Page Ian Kennedy dictator of Dublin. ...”52 Using emotional blackmail he reminds his workers that when they are starving as a consequence of the strike, his shareholders will remain well fed and well paid. In utilising such emotional manipulation, Murphy is attempting to manipulate the workers into giving up their desire for unionisation.53 It is also interesting to note that Larkin also utilised aspects of this process in his own portrayal of Murphy in his newspaper The Irish Worker.54 As a political journal, the Irish Worker had a huge circulation of up to 100,000 copies, far beyond what others would have expected. A tabloid paper in style it used humour at the expense of exploiters of the working class namely employers, politicians, publicans, landlords, and turf accountants.55 This final phase of the process whereby “formal dismissal procedures will be set in motion…..and the person will be forced to leave,”56 began on 15th August. Irish independent dispatchers were laid off, and a retaliatory boycott of the evening Herald took place.57 On 21st August 1913 Murphy issued a dismissal notice to 200 workers at the Dublin Tramway Company, who were members of the ITGWU. 58 A strike was called59 and on 26th August tram drivers and conductors abandoned their vehicles.60 The employers responded by locking out 25,000 workers.61 Subsequently, all of Dublin came out on strike and during the course of the dispute “an estimated 100,000 people…were affected by the strike.”62 52 Gillian Doherty and Tomas O'Riordan, "Dublin 1913 Strike and Lockout," Multitext, The beginning of the Lockout, accessed December 03, 2013, http://multitext.ucc.ie/d/Dublin_1913Strike_and_Lockout 53 ́ Ruth, Leadership, 109. 54 Morrissey, Enigma, accessed 01st December 2013 55 Paul Dillon, "He Who Would Be Free Must Strike the Blow", accessed December 09, 2013, http://1913committee.ie/blog/?p=328. 56 Ruth, Leadership, 110 57 , ‘Irish class relations, 12 58 James Connolly, "A Titanic Struggle," Daily Herald, December 6, 1913, http://www.ucc.ie/celt/online/E900002-005.html. 59 Bardon, A History of Ireland, KINDLE, location 9417 60 Padraig Yeates, "The Dublin 1913 Lockout," History Ireland 9, no. 2 (Summer 2001), accessed December 05, 2013, www.historyireland.com/20th-century-contemporary-history/the-dublin-1913-Lockout/. 61 Hachey and McCaffrey, The Irish Experience, KINDLE, Location 2492. 62 "Diarmaid Ferriter: Issues of the Lockout Remain as Relevant Now as They Were in the Ireland of 1913," Independent.ie, accessed December 01, 2013, http://www.independent.ie/opinion/analysis/diarmaid-ferriterissues-of-the-Lockout-remain-as-relevant-now-as-they-were-in-the-ireland-of-1913-29524591.html. 8|Page Ian Kennedy At the behest of Murphy, the Dublin Metropolitan Police organised a response to the events on the streets.63 During protests on Bloody Sunday, 31st August 1913, three people were shot dead by police in Dublin, and many more were injured. 64 In his account of the Lockout, Disturbed Dublin, Arnold Wright dismissed the views of those observing the protests who felt that “tact rather than force was the quality needed to deal with the situation.” Although writing in sympathy with the police throughout his account there are numerous references to the brutality of the police who ….fell upon the crowd with an energy which created momentary surprise but which ultimately produced a panic. Individuals fled in all directions in their attempt to escape the blows which were dealt with fierce intensity by the infuriated members of the police force. The scene of the disturbances was strewn like a battlefield with the bodies of injured people, many of them with their faces covered with blood and with their bodies writhing in agony. The whole episode only lasted a few minutes, but in that brief space of time hundreds were injured, some seriously. 65 63 McCabe, Irish Class Relations, 13. 64 Devine, "A Brief History, accessed December 1, 2013. 65 Arnold Wright, Disturbed Dublin: The Story of the Great Strike of 1913–14 with a Description of the Industries of the Irish Capital (London, 1914), accessed December 01, 2013, http://multitext.ucc.ie/d/Police_Baton_Charge_Sackville_St_30_August_1913. 9|Page Ian Kennedy Throughout the strike British unions, along with the TUC Dublin Food Fund and the Dublin Trades Council, organised food ships to bring necessary supplies to the workers.66 Others like Countess Markievicz organised soup kitchens to feed those left starving during the lockout.67 Attempts were made to bring the children of the Dublin workers to Liverpool, but these were met with protests at the docks.68 An Irish Times editorial at the time described these efforts as the latest wound to the pride of the Irish. It also went on to proclaim that in considering such a prospect the workers had “forgotten age-long traditions of hatred and contempt.”69 While decrying the mutual interest of workers on both sides of the Irish Sea, it went on to proclaim that the outcome of such an alliance would be …that, on the one hand, Ireland would be dragged into every great labour crisis in England while, on the other hand, the machinery of the English labour movement would be at our service for the peaceful settlement of industrial disputes.70 This result it implied could only be avoided with the disciplining of James Larkin by the British Unions. 71 The Archbishop of Dublin wrote to the Irish Times objecting to the proposed sending of children to England. In the same letter he asserted that …employers have been to some extent justified in hesitating to enter into an agreement for the removal of the present deadlock 66 Devine, A Brief History, accessed December 01, 2013, 67 Anne Marreco, The Rebel Countess – The Life and Times of Constance Markievicz, (London, Phoenix Press, 2000): 160 68 "Dublin, 1913 Strike and Lockout," . . I y ., ' ’F , 01, 2013, http://resources.teachnet.ie/toriordan/files/Download/Lockoutessay.html. 69 Joe Joyce, From the Archives, Irish Times, October 22nd 1913, http:/furl. ie/7uu4, accessed 1st December 2013 70 Joyce, Irish Times, accessed 1st December 2013 71 Joyce, Irish Times, accessed 1st December 2013 10 | P a g e Ian Kennedy until some guarantee was forthcoming that any agreement now entered upon would be faithfully kept.72 However, he went on to enquire why efforts had not been made to bring an “end to a conflict that is plainly disastrous to the interests of both?” 73 Up until this point Archbishop Walsh maintained an “independent view” and was seen as an obvious mediator between the two sides.74 As time progressed it would become obvious that mediation would not be possible as it became evident during the Board of Trade Inquiry that the employer’s only concern was the defeat of “Larkinism”.75 According to Emmet O’Connor, “Larkin became an “ism” in Ireland because what he stood for had a strategic relevance for labour, and because Irish employers were so hostile to it.”76 In November 1913 James Connolly and Captain Jack White founded the Irish Citizen Army to defend the striking workers.77 Larkin had his supporters in British trade union movement, but they were a minority and efforts by Connolly to block trade to Dublin failed.78 Despite efforts to broker an agreement throughout the winter of 1913, the strike would continue until 18th January 1914 when Larkin instructed the men back to work. 79 Undoubtedly, the personalities of Larkin and Murphy coloured the events of 1913. Those who worked with Larkin like James Connolly, William O’Brien and Maude Gonne found him a 72 W W , , "A W ‘ ’ "" The Irish Times, October 21, 1913, accessed December 1, 2013, http://multitext.ucc.ie/d/Archbishop_Walsh_on_the_Save_the_Kiddies_Campaign 73 Walsh, The Irish Times, accessed December 1, 2013, http://multitext.ucc.ie/d/Archbishop_Walsh_on_the_Save_the_Kiddies_Campaign. 74 Morrissey and Hughes, Letters for the Archbishop, 87, accessed November 25, 2013. 75 Morrissey and Hughes, Letters for the Archbishop, 87, 76 O’Connor, Larkin’s road, accessed 1st December 2013 77 Donal Nevin, James Connolly – ‘A ,’ ( , & , 2005)F 552-553. 78 Marreco, The Rebel Countess, 165 79 Bardon, A History of Ireland, KINDLE, location 9444. 11 | P a g e Ian Kennedy difficult colleague the workers whom he led viewed him as a great leader.80 Believing that he had a divine mission to “make men and women discontented,”81 Larkin, according to Padraig Yeates,, …saw the role of Dublin’s working class as the tinder that would ignite not only Ireland’s revolution but that of Britain’s workers as well.82 It is interesting to note that in Murphy’s absence and with Larkin’s approval, the efforts of the Lord Mayor of Dublin, Lorcan Sherlock, to broker peace during the industrial unrest of the summer of 1913, almost succeeded. 83 While Morrissey describes Martin as being terrified of his confrontation of Larkin, Bielenberg views the lockout as revealing “Murphy at his most militant.”84 Murphy had a good track record of relations with workers and of support for the ITUC.85 Larkin’s success at creating ‘sympathetic strikes’ coupled with his efforts to unionise Dublin by demonizing Murphy may have been counter-productive. This essay has examined the experience of the emergence of labour, the circumstances of the strike itself, the personalities involved and some of the issues surrounding the Lockout. One cannot but reach the conclusion that the Lockout was inevitable. Writing in the Irish Times, Vincent Brown suggested that it was William Martin Murphy “who emerged as the real victor of the revolutionary Ireland of 100 years ago.” Brown stakes his claim on the hypothesis that as the Irish state emerged it was Murphy’s capitalist ethos that it embraced. He also cites the 80 Samuel Levenson, James Connolly: A Biography. (London: Martin Brian and O'Keeffe, 1973), 217–23; Samuel Levenson, Maud Gonne (New York: Reader's Digest Press, 1976), 180; á O’ y, Appreciation of Larkin, Irish Times, 1 Feb. 1947. 81 Wright, Disturbed Dublin: 172: Citing a Report in the Manchester Guardian (15 September 1913). 82 Yeates, Lockout, location 380 83 Nevin, James Connolly, 455-460 84 Andy Bielenberg, "Andy Bielenberg - The Career of William Martin Murphy," Chronicon An Electronic History Journal, Section II paragraph 14, accessed December 01, 2013, http://www.ucc.ie/chronicon/bielen.htm. 85 Morrissey, Enigma, accessed 01st December 2013 12 | P a g e Ian Kennedy gradual decline of union membership since the 1960’s as further evidence of the ineffectiveness of the labour movement on the social conditions of workers in the twentieth century. 86 While Brown may be slightly revisionist in his approach to Murphy, he does have some support for his claims about the unions. Though defeated, the ITGWU, “firmly embedded its ideas and necessity in the consciousness of the Dublin working class.”87 Roy Foster claims that “the strike’s failure exposed Labour’s industrial weakness and the futility of its leaders’ syndicalist rhetoric.”88 According to Bill Roche, ….unions have been declining in modern Ireland to a significant degree because they have struggled to gain recognition from employers who are increasingly reluctant to work with them.89 Padraig Yeates responded to Brown’s claim by asserting that Murphy would no doubt console himself that the social solidarity values of Larkinism, if not banished completely, were in retreat and pose no threat to the wealthy elite he personifies.90 Amidst the apparent failure of the union, the Lockout resulted in a place at the negotiating table for the worker throughout the century. Despite current fraught relations, this reality of labour negotiation has been the inheritance of 1913. The lockout was an expression of the will of the people who found themselves in the direst of situations. However, the real worth of the lockout 86 Vincent Brown, More than the men of 1916 William Martin Murphy defined the ethos of the new Ireland, The Irish Times, 4th December, 2013, www.irishtimes.com/news/politics/more-than-the-men-of-1916william-martin-murphy-defined-the-ethos-of-the-new-ireland-1.1615789 87 Patrick Smith, "Wilful City of Savage Dreamers," The Irish Times (Dublin), September 11, 2013, accessed December 1, 2013, http://www.irishtimes.com/culture/heritage/wilful-city-of-savage-dreamers-1.1522458. 88 Foster Roy, The Oxford History of Ireland, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989):187. 89 , “Unions sidelined, accessed 01st December 2013, 90 Padraig Yeates, "William Martin Murphy: The Legacy," The Irish Times (Dublin), December 9, 2013, Letters to the Editor sec., accessed December 9, 2013, www.irishtimes.com/debate/letters/william-martinmurphy-the-legacy-1.1619792. 13 | P a g e Ian Kennedy was that it affirmed “the existence of an Irish working class with its own identity, its own history and its own culture.”91 Larkin’s oratory and determination to utilise the sympathetic strike, inspired workers who were oppressed in their working and living conditions to strive for something better. The union provided the means for this. Murphy, reacting out of fear, persuaded the Dublin Employers Federation to choose to destroy “Larkinism” rather than settle the dispute amicably.92 With neither side able to see or take advantage of the opportunity offered, it was inevitable that conflict would ensue.93 91 David Convery, "Uniting the Working Class: History, Memory and 1913," in Locked Out: A Century of Irish Working-class Life (Dublin, Ireland: Irish Academic Press, 2013), 37. 92 Ruth, Leadership, 251 93 Ruth, Leadership, 252 14 | P a g e Ian Kennedy Bibliography Primary Documents: Arnold Wright Disturbed Dublin: the Story of the Great Strike of 1913–14 with a Description of the Industries of the Irish Capital (London 1914) 172: Citing a Report in the Manchester Guardian (15 September 1913). Connolly, James, and Desmond Ryan. "James Connolly, “The Dublin Lockout: On the Eve”, Irish Worker, 30 August 1913." In Socialism and Nationalism: A Selection from the Writings of James Connolly, 289-91. Vol. 2. Dublin: Sign of the Three Candles, 1948. Connolly, James. "A Titanic Struggle." Daily Herald, December 6, 1913. http://www.ucc.ie/celt/online/E900002-005.html  "The Workers' Republic." Corpus of Electronic Texts. Accessed December 03, 2013. http://www.ucc.ie/celt/online/E900002-005.html  "The Workers’ Republic,." In Socialism and Nationalism: A Selection from the Writings of James Connolly, by Desmond Ryan, 292-99. Vol. 2. Dublin: Sign of the Three Candles, 1948.  “The Dublin Lockout: on the Eve”, Irish Worker, 30 August 1913: Cited in James Connolly, The Workers' Republic, in Desmond Ryan (ed), Socialism and Nationalism: a Selection from the Writings of James Connolly (2 Vols, Dublin 1987), II: 289–291 Joyce, Joe. "From the Archives." The Irish Times (Dublin), October 22, 1913. Accessed December 1, 2013. http:/furl.ie/7uu4 Irish Times (Dublin). 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